Contemporary Issues In World Politics Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Contemporary Issues In World Politics - Essay Example On the other hand, importing leads to the development of dependency of the receiving nation on foreign countries. It also leads to a reduction in national reserves thereby contributing to inflation. Moreover, local businesses as well as the labor market are threatened. On the other hand, the importing nation may experience security concerns especially with regards to high tech military hardware. These are addressed through ensuring that the imports are sourced from a trusted source to guarantee security. The decision to import or export is an economic development that influences the political interest of a nation state (Oatley, 2011). Nations react to influences that may have an impact on the military and economic strengths through export controls. A nation may resort to control its exports despite having the capacity to maintain an excessive export surplus over imports. Maintaining high export surplus may be interpreted by the recipient nation states as an aggressive policy that may have an impact on economic and military security hence the need to establish defensive mechanism for the purpose of safeguarding the security interests of the targeted nation for export. Trade affairs between nation states are therefore viewed cautiously in a political perspective (Sachs, 2006). Permission for imports from particular nations and not others is one of the tools that are applied in the establishment of the foreign policy of many nation states. It is applied to persuade governments to adhere to certain agreements that are meant to protect the interests of other nation states. For example, trade embargos have been enforced on countries such as Iraq by the US during the Saddam... This pressure is meant to protect the political and economic interests of the US that have often been threatened by global terrorism. The European Union countries also engaged in an economic agreement of adopting the Euro as their single currency, which would help to maintain economic stability. The treaty was politicized by the fact that its main aim was to bind the Cold War Alliance partners EU. For example, the agreement would prevent Germany from realigning itself with East and Central Europe. Generally, as Oatley observes, economic agreements generate political responsibilities that are prone to political exploitation. The global political economy is manifest through international trade and international relations. Exports increase the economic well being of the exporting country but a high export surplus may be viewed by other nation states as an aggressive policy that may not promote friendly international relations. Treaties such as NAFTA, WTO, and COMESA have been significan t in promoting international trade. Regional alliances among nation states present various economic and political challenges including a decline in democratic space. Nations that get financial assistance from these organizations are compelled to pass laws that serve the economic and political interest of the dominant economies that are involved in the management of the institutions. Generally, recourse to the global political economy is important in understanding world politics as presented in this paper.

Metal Suppliers Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Metal Suppliers - Essay Example As the study outlines when Metal Suppliers offered this deal to Shanghai Steel, and Shanghai Steel accepted the offer this made a contract, and the contract was made verbally before was written. There was a mutual agreement made between a representative of Metal Suppliers, and Shanghai Steel. The mutual agreement was made prior to the written agreement being made, and signed. From this paper it is clear that the consideration of the contract is missing from this contract. The legal purpose of a contract is to make the promise are responsible to the receiver. If the person, our company making the promise does not honor the promise to the receiver, the receiver might be entitled to damages caused by the person who made the promise nine keeping the promise. So, for all purposes in signing the contracts, and having all negotiations that forth in the contract the legal purposes of a contract have been fulfilled. There is belief that a competent member from Metal Suppliers, and Shanghai Steel have signed the contract. The parties would not know up front weather, or not the person signing the contract was a competent member of society, and able to sign the contract. However, it is believed that a competent member from each company signed the contract. The contract takes legal form. The way the contract is written will make it bind, and if there is a breach in th e contract the other party can legally enforce the contract. Metal Suppliers agrees to supply scrap metal to Shanghai Steel in the amount of $7,500,000 USD. The buyer, Shanghai Steel agrees to pay Metal Suppliers in the amount of $7,500,000 USD. Shanghai Steel agrees to pay Metal Suppliers for the shipment of scrap metal prior to the scrap metal being loaded on the ship to be shipped to Shanghai, China. The due date for the $7,500,000 was removed from the contract. In taking out the due date for the $7,500,000 it will make the contract effect if, because Shanghai Steel can procrastinate about giving Metal Suppliers the money.  

Bunraku Theater and Kathakali Dance Drama

Bunraku Theater and Kathakali Dance Drama Introduction: Many explorations into the realm of theater arts have produced various discoveries, which have helped theater devotees make connections never seen before between theater traditions not only from different parts of the world, but with different means of origin. Any such exploration is vital to theatrical research and practice as it not only adds value to theatrical study, but it also may provide an opportunity for two or more theatrical traditions to blend into one exhibition of carefully investigated research. The following research presentation examines two very different and diverse theatrical practices: Bunraku Theater, from seventeenth century Japan, and Kathakali Dance-Drama, from seventeenth century southern India. In this examination of Bunraku and Kathakali theatrical traditions, this research paper is an exploration of the cultural evolution of each tradition and a reflection on the development of additional performer roles and the element of movement in both of these practices. Bunraku Theater is a traditional form of Puppet Theater that originated in Japan. Initially, Bunraku was the name of the theater where ningyo-joruri (puppets and storytelling) was performed in. Gradually, this name evolved and became to be the name associated with the art of ningyo-joruri itself. (What is Bunraku?) Today, Bunraku is the official name of Puppet Theater in Japan. Textual styles in Bunraku involve a high degree of drama, whereas most puppet-oriented theatrical traditions simply rely on simple myths and legends as a foundation for their texts. Most puppet-based theater practices around the world also usually hide the puppeteers involved in the drama. In Bunraku, however, the puppeteers are shown to the audience along with the puppets. (What is Bunraku?) Kathakali is one of the oldest theatrical traditions India, originating in the southern state of Kerela. In Malayalam, the name Kathakali directly translates into story-play. This tradition is primarily a dance-oriented tradition with textual styles involving themes based on mythological texts from Hinduism such as the Ramayana and Mahabharata. (Rajan) Most dance-based theater practices rely only on the dance movements to convey various messages. Kathakali, however, heavily relies on a highly detailed make-up and costume classification, which portrays the characteristics of the characters. (Rajan) The astonishing circumstance is that both of these traditions have no evidence of contact amongst themselves. However, as absurd as the relationship may be, a sense of the practices of naturalist Charles Darwin echo when discussing this situation. One might argue that at some point, both these traditions might have a common root that dates back thousands of years. Maybe, in the process of developing these traditions, there was a connection somewhere that inspired both these traditions. Then again, while searching for a historical link, the true essence of the links between Bunraku and Kathakali must not be lost. An examination, nevertheless, of their respective cultural evolution, seems necessary. Cultural Evolution: Bunraku Theater evolved from two different groups. There was a tradition of travelling storytellers and a tradition of travelling puppeteers in seventeenth century Japan. These two groups came into contact with each other and decided to combine the arts of puppetry and storytelling. This tradition was brought into professional performance when Takemoto Gidayu, considered as the father of Bunraku, established a theater in Osaka. Gidayu began his career in Kyoto as a narrator. He was known for his storytelling abilities. In 1684, he decided to form his own variation of theater with the combination of puppetry and storytelling. With the help of Chikamatsu Monzaemon, regarded as one of the greatest playwrights in Japanese history, and Takeda Izumo, a theater owner and manager, Gidayu was able to establish his theater in Osaka. The plays of this revolutionary style of theater known as joruri were categorized into two divisions: jidai-mono (historical) and sewa-mono (domestic) plays. Histo rical plays were focused on the lifestyle and stories involving the noble and military social classes, while domestic plays were concerned with the lives of the common town residents. Upon the division of joruri around 1703 into Takemoto-za, led by Gidayu, and Toyotake-za, led by an apprentice of Gidayu who left the Osaka Theater, the fight for the best theater of joruri produced some quality work. This period of Bunraku history was later referred to as the Golden Age. Plays from this time period are still the most often performed plays today. However, after a prosporous early eighteenth century, the late eighteenth century brought a period of literary drought as joruri declined in popularity. The only existence of Puppet Theater after that was that in shrines and temples. Amidst this phase, a small theater was opened in Osaka near the Inari Shrine in 1811 by Uemura Bunrakuken. In 1872, it was relocated to Matsushima and officially titled Bunraku-za. Soon after in 1884, a new rival to Bunraku-za arose by the name of Hikiroku-za. Similar to the previous golden age, this rivalry produced some fine work and Bunraku was at a point of revival. The rivalry lasted six years as Hikoroku-za closed down in 1893. Bunraku-za was the only remaining representative of Puppet Theater. Soon, the art of Puppet Theater became known as Bunraku instead of just the theater. After World War II, one of the first rebuilt theaters was the Yotsubashi Bunraku-za because the government wished to preserve this famous art form out of Osaka. In 1966, in Tokyo, the first National Theater was built. This theater targeted a younger audience to keep the tradition alive. Today, as a result of the investment, the theater is part of UNESCOs Intangible Cultural Heritage list. (paragraph of references) Meanwhile, in southern India, Kathalkali had a different direction from which it evolved. The art of Kathakali originated from a political rivalry between two chieftains: the Raja (King) of Kottarakkara and the Zamorin of Calicut. The Raja of Kottarakkara requested the presence of a dance-drama troupe known as Krishnanaattam from the Zamorin of Calicut to perform at a social gathering. Krishnanaattam was a dance-drama based on the life of Lord Krishna, a Hindu mythological god. The Zamorin considered this proposition and due to political tension between the two, he refused to send the troupe blaming it on the fact that the Raja of Kottarakkara would not appreciate the art form. In rebellion, the Raja of Kottarakkara created an equivalent form of dance-drama called Raamanaattam, based on the life of Lord Rama, another Hindu mythological god. Raamanaattam was created in Malayalam, the traditional language of the state of Kerela. By the end of the seventeenth century, the polished versi on of Raamanaattam was known as Kathakali. Kathakali was performed in Hindu temples as its stories had much to do with religious texts. The art of Kathakali was a mixture of several art forms of Kerela: Nritta, Nrittya, Natya, Kalaripayattu, Theyyam, and Koodiyattam. Nritta, Nrittya, and Natya are names for various dance types directly translating into pure dance, suggestive dance with the aid of postures and gestures, and drama. Kalaripayattu is the martial art of Kerela. This art is evident in the movement of Kathakali through the way performers are trained until absolute endurance is achieved. Theyyam is a ritualistic dance form. The heavy use of make-up and headdresses in Kathakali is derived from Theyyam. Lastly, Koodiyattam is a Sanskrit-based theater performed in the temples of Kerela. This theater, dating back to 200 BC, contains the stage action that has been inherited by Kathakali. Along with the make-up from Theyyam, stiff and powerful movements from Kaliripayattu, this s tage action completes the art of Kathakali today. (paragraph of references) Noticing the many differences in the way that these traditions came about, they have plenty of similarities that could be used as critical researched connections. Both theatrical practices have different roots of evolution. Bunraku Theater evolved as a result of the desire to capitalize on a newly discovered means of theater involving puppets and storytelling. Kathakali dance-drama evolved as a result of political feuds between rival kingdoms, and how one dominant form of dance-drama evolved through the centuries to represent its modern representation. The fact that both practices come from different narratives in their backgrounds challenges the implausible theory that any contact was possible between the two cultures. Regardless of historical contact, Bunraku and Kathakali seem to display great similarities in three areas: additional performer roles, make-up, and movement. Additional Performer Roles: Instantly, one notices that there are some introductory connections linking Bunraku and Kathakali evolution. Both traditions evolved in the 17th century. Both traditions are different from conventional traditions in their respected forms. However, lack of communication in the seventeenth century limited ways in which one practice could become aware of the other. There are also other detailed aspects that link the fundamentals of each theatrical practice. The first connection between Bunraku and Kathakali is the development of additional performer roles. There are two additional roles apart from the puppeteers in Bunraku. One of them is the role of the chanter and the other is that of the shamisen player. The chanter is known as the tayu. His role is described as bringing wooden dolls to life. Through the expressions made by the chanter, the dolls are able to communicate with each other filled with the same expression as any western theatrical actor. Apart from reciting the dialogue, the chanter also informs the audience on the background involved with the scene being presented. Only one chanter is needed to perform all the roles. Thus, the chanter needs to have a versatile voice. Over-exaggeration is essential to portray a characters personality and their emotions. The crowd is able to distinguish between characters through the exaggerated voices made by the chanter. The chanter is accompanied by the shamisen player, who plays the mu sical supplement to. Out of the three types of shamisens, the one played in Bunraku is the type with the longest neck to emit the deepest and most low-pitched sound. This also requires the chanter to sing from the lower abdomen. Similar to the role of the chanter, the shamisen player must also attempt to add his full heart into the music to make the musical addition as real and cultural as possible. (paragraph of references) Kathakali performances contain more additional performers than Bunraku. However, their roles are similar to those of Bunraku. There is a music accompaniment to the performance. The musicians are referred to as the orchestra. The orchestra composes of three drums and a set of cymbals. Usually, one performer plays each instrument, but there are performances where more than one are seen playing the same instrument. The three drums are the chenda, maddalam, and edakka.   The chenda is loud and powerful and is used for scenes with building suspense. The maddalam is used for softer sounds pertaining to female characters. The edakka is also used for its soft, musical addition to the overall spirit. Along with the drums, the cymbals aid the drums to help the dancer keep in beat with the music. The orchestra is used throughout the performance because without the beats of the drums, the performers are clueless as to their movements. The dance dances according to the rhythm of the drums. Ther e is a vocal aspect to Kathakali as well. This aspect is used to narrate the story because the performers do not speak in the performance. The dialogue is spoken in either Malayalam or Sanskrit and is said whenever narration is required. In parts where dance builds the suspense, the drums take control and the chanter(s) does(do) not speak. (paragraph of references) In Bunraku and Kathakali, the roles of additional performers are similar. The chanters are responsible for reciting the story and speaking any dialogue needed to be spoken. The instrument players are required to maintain the tone of the performance. The institutional soul of the performance in both cases is created by the music, which has to be followed by other elements. The remarkable similarities presented by this straightforward addition of music is one of many upon which basic structure of performance are developed. Make-Up: The second correlation between Bunraku and Kathakali is the heavy use of make-up to describe the characteristics of the various characters. In Bunraku, various puppet heads indicate various personalities of the characters.Different types of heads with fixed make-up are used. Each puppet head is meant for a different role. There are twelve types of male puppet heads, six types of female puppet heads, and there are also specially made heads used for special roles. The male heads are Bunshichi, Kenbishi, Komei, Odanshichi, Genda, Waka otoko, Oniwaka, Matahei, Darasuke, Yokanbei, Oshuto, and Kiichi. Bunshichi is a head used for tragic heroes. The heroism can be seen through the masculine face with thick eyebrows. However, the facial expression shows concealed worry or sorrow, which leads to the conclusion that this hero is tragic and has suffered for a long time. Kenbishi is a head used for characters playing supporting roles in a performance. This heads facial expression indicates stron g willpower, which is indicated by the single-lined painting of the mouth. Komei is a head used for middle-aged characters. This head is intended to be thoughtful, portrayed by its polished facade. Odanshichi is a head used for warriors. These warriors are brave and courageous, which can be seen through the bold facial expression and the heavy lines with which the head is painted. Genda and Waka otoko are heads used for teens and men in their twenties. Their elegance is shown through their handsome faces. Oniwaka is a head used for teen males as well. However, the red color of the face portrays that these characters are wild and stubborn as opposed to handsome and elegant. Matahei is a head used to portray honest men living simple lives, which is seen through the simplicity of their face. Darasuke is a head that represents the enemy. The facial expression of this character displays opposing views and a sense of unease. These characters are supposed to be disliked by the audience. Yo kanbei is a head used for enemies as well. However, the pink face and the long moustache are traits of humor. Therefore, these characters are humorous villains, who arent supposed to be completely disliked by the audience. Oshuto and Kiichi heads are both used for the roles of aged men. Oshuto is typically used to portray an aged warrior. Although the wrinkles on the face represent age, the fearless expression displays the characteristics of a retired warrior. Kiichi is a head also used for an aged warrior. However, the facial expression of wisdom represents an important figure. The six female heads are Musume, Fuke-oyama, Baba, Keisei, Baku-ya, and O-Fuku. Musume is the most beautiful and appealing female head for a common woman in Bunraku. It is used for roles for young women from fifteen years of age and onwards. It can also be used for young wives. Fuke-oyama is a head dedicated to young-middle aged women, aged twenty to forty. These heads are also very beautiful, but the different hairstyle portrays a greater degree of maturity. Baba is a head which is divided into two different-looking heads. One is used for historical plays and the other is used for domestic plays. The historical head is used for significant older roles in historical plays. The hair of this head is very smooth compared to rough hair in the domestic version, which is used mainly for old townswomen. Keisei is considered to be the most elegant head in its appealing facial features and elaborate hair style. It is used for courtesan women in the high social classes. Baku-ya is the head use d for evil roles such as that of an old hag. The wrinkles, rough hair, and facial expression depict wickedness. Lastly, O-Fuku is a plump version of Musume. This head is used for the roles of servants. (paragraph of references) With such details in terms of make-up of the puppets, a conclusion could be formulated that Bunraku heavily relies of make-up as an element of performance. The various make-up patterns expressed in the form of a range of heads lead to the build-up of the personalities of various characters on stage. These typical heads resembling various characters can also be found in the make-up of Kathakali. In Kathakali, the traits of the character depend on the color scheme of the make-up. There are five different styles of make-up in Kathakali: Minukku,Paccha, Katti, Taadi, and Kari. Minukku is the make-up used for characters designated in the upper class of society. Through the polished make-up scheme, a sense of glorified piety is shown in a disciple character. When used with women roles, delicate touches of Minukku are provided. Paccha is a style of make-up used to illustrate mythological heroes, Gods, and other characters with much importance. The characters valor and ethical distinction are portrayed by the purity of the green color used in this make-up. Katti, a make-up more complex than Paccha, is used for antagonistic roles which are opposite the heroes of the play. The resemblance of the make-up to sharply bent daggers portrays the characteristics of evil ambition and arrogance. T aadi is a make-up structure of a beard which is divided into three parts: Veluppu taadi, Chuvanna taadi, and Karuppu taadi. Veluppu taadi is a beard used for warrior roles. This beard brings a sense of realism to these mythological fighters. Chuvanna taadi is a beard used to add dreadfulness to characters. Used mainly for evil characters, this make-up can also be used for adding evilness to lesser malevolent characters. Burning red eyes and thick black lips are used to help portray this image. Karuppu taadi is the last type of taadi make-up. This beard is black and is used for thieves and robbers. The last type of make-up in Kathakali is Kari. This make-up is also used for evil characters. The black face represents the presence of blackness inside the character. (paragraph of references) Make-up in Bunraku is centered on the presentation of the different heads. In Kathakali, the way different make-up styles are combined defines characters. In both traditions, the purpose is similar: to reveal the characteristics and assign various stock roles to various styles of presentation. Instantly, a relation between the two traditions is established. Of course, there are differences in the details of each element. Nonetheless, in the two performance aspects investigated, the intentions in Bunraku and Kathakali are fundamentally alike. The significance of these relations is further elaborated when the third one is made, which is based on movement. Movement: Movement is the last element in Bunraku and Kathakali in discussion. Since none of the performers speak, movement is the medium through which they communicate the chanters message to the audience. The movement is the key aspect to the conveyance of the theme of the performance. In Bunraku, the puppeteers maneuver the puppet according to the chanter in order to keep up with the tempo of the performance. (The Puppets) In Kathakali, the movement is the prime source of communication to the audience through very intricate facial expressions and complicated hand movements. In Bunraku, the movements of the puppets are maneuvered by three puppeteers: the omo-zukai, hidari-zukai, and ashi-zukai. The omo-zukai is the head puppeteer. He controls the puppets head and right hand. The head is controlled by a stick wired with levers to control various facial parts such as the eyes, eyebrows, and mouth. The omo-zukai holds this lever with his left hand and operates the puppets right hand with his right hand. The hidari-zukai is the puppeteer that controls the puppets left hand. He does so with his right hand. Most hand gestures made by puppets are performed by the left hand because its movement is specifically exercised by the hidari-zukai. Lastly, the least experienced puppeteer out of the three is usually the ashi-zukai, who controls both feet of the puppeteer with both his hands. These three puppeteers train for years to acquire a state of harmony in their movements. If the movements are not presented with a state of synchronization, the puppeteers fail to br ing the puppet to life because the movements seem abnormal to the audience. The biggest challenge presented to puppeteers is the elemental requirement to empathize with the puppet. For example, at a particular point in a play, if the puppet is sad, the puppeteer must develop a state of sadness in order to perfect the movement assigned to him. If all three puppeteers empathize this way, harmony in movement is reached and the puppet is brought to life. (paragraph of references) Kathakali also incorporates a large degree of movement in its performances. Most of the performance is based on the movement of the character. The element of movement is so extensive that an entire language has been developed using the hands of the performer. This language is based upon mudras. There are twenty-four basic mudras, or letters that can be combined to form words and phrases. Along with mudras, there are nine basic facial expressions known as the nava rassas. These facial expressions depict the mood of the character. They represent a stylized form of everyday expressions. The movements conducted by the feet follow the beat of the orchestra. They help in the addition of technique to the rest of the movements. When combined, the make-up represents the personality of a character, the facial expressions represent the mood, and the dialogue is spoken through the mudras. All aspects of a character are covered through the make-up and movement, representing a very stylized way of conducting a dance-drama. (paragraph of references) In both theatrical traditions, the movement is essential in bringing the production to life. In the case of Bunraku, this is done is by creating the perception of bringing the puppets to life. In Kathakali, this is done through a language based heavily on movement. The movement controls the dialogue in both cases. Thus, both traditions have a very similar use of movement. Conclusion: Bunraku Puppet Theater is a tradition that began as a combination of two traditions: storytelling and puppetry. Early Bunraku saw the rise of the Osaka Theater, founded by Takemoto Gidayu. After some highs and lows, Bunraku is still a popular form of theater in Japan. In another part of the world, Kathakali originated from a political brawl where the Raja of Kottarakkara created a dance-drama called Raamanaattam. This form of dance-drama, with some perfection, became modern-day Kathakali. There are many similarities, however, despite the differences in the cultural evolution of these traditions. One tradition evolved in the coastal region of modern-day Japan while the other evolved on the region surrounded by the southern tip of India. Regardless, both of these traditions rely on facial features to describe the characters involved in the drama. In Bunraku, it is the different painted heads. In Kathakali, it is the stylistic make-up. Also, both Bunraku and Kathakali contain specific a dditional performers. The stunning fact is that in both styles, the additional performers have similar duties. There is a recite/chanter and there is musical accompaniment. Lastly, the movement element in Bunraku and Kathakali is heavily relied upon to create harmony in Bunraku and convey messages in Kathakali. All these similarities are fascinating considering the differences amongst these two traditions. One must ponder how these similarities came into existence. Was it mere coincidence? Could Darwins theory of evolution be implied here? These similarities could pave the way for further investigation into these two traditions and maybe, the world would be able to see a Bunraku play performed the Kathakali way or a Hindu text performed with Bunraku puppets. This research can lead to a whole new dimension of theatrical study. Bibliography The Chanter and the Shamisen Player. An Introduction to the World of Bunraku. Japan Arts Council, 2004. Web. 24 Mar. 2009. . Heads for Female Roles. An Introduction to the World of Bunraku. Japan Arts Council, 2004. Web. 17 July 2009. . Heads for Male Roles. An Introduction to the World of Bunraku. Japan Arts Council, 2004. Web. 17 July 2009. . The History of Bunraku-1. An Introduction to the World of Bunraku. Japan Arts Council, 2004. Web. 18 June 2009. . The International Centre for Kathakali. New Delhi: International Centre for Kathakali, n.d. Print. Johnson, Matthew. A Brief Introduction to the History of Bunraku. Sagecraft. 14 Aug. 1995. Web. 21 July 2010. . Kathakali. The Art Forms of Kerala. Web. 17 July 2009. . Narayanan, Akavoor. Kathakali The Total Theatre Nonpareil. Kathakali Journal of The International Centre for Kathakali May 2009: 12+. Print. The Puppets. An Introduction to the World of Bunraku. Japan Arts Council, 2004. Web. 24 Mar. 2009. . Rajan, Anjana. Kathakali. Art India. Web. 17 July 2009. . Unikrishan. Movement and Themes of Kathakali. Personal interview. 18 July 2009. What is Bunraku? An Introduction to the World of Bunraku. Japan Arts Council, 2004. Web. 24 Mar. 2009. . Photograph Bibliography Heads for Female Roles. Photograph. Japan Arts Council. An Introduction to the World of Bunraku. Japan Arts Council. Web. 17 Jan. 2010. . Heads for Male Roles. Photograph. Japan Arts Council. An Introduction to the World of Bunraku. Japan Arts Council. Web. 17 Jan. 2010. . Various Colourful Costumes Makeup in Kathakali. Photograph. Cochin Cultural Centre, Kochi. Cochin Cultural Centre. Cochin Cultural Centre. Web. 17 Jan. 2010. . Bunraku Theater and Kathakali Dance Drama Bunraku Theater and Kathakali Dance Drama Introduction: Many explorations into the realm of theater arts have produced various discoveries, which have helped theater devotees make connections never seen before between theater traditions not only from different parts of the world, but with different means of origin. Any such exploration is vital to theatrical research and practice as it not only adds value to theatrical study, but it also may provide an opportunity for two or more theatrical traditions to blend into one exhibition of carefully investigated research. The following research presentation examines two very different and diverse theatrical practices: Bunraku Theater, from seventeenth century Japan, and Kathakali Dance-Drama, from seventeenth century southern India. In this examination of Bunraku and Kathakali theatrical traditions, this research paper is an exploration of the cultural evolution of each tradition and a reflection on the development of additional performer roles and the element of movement in both of these practices. Bunraku Theater is a traditional form of Puppet Theater that originated in Japan. Initially, Bunraku was the name of the theater where ningyo-joruri (puppets and storytelling) was performed in. Gradually, this name evolved and became to be the name associated with the art of ningyo-joruri itself. (What is Bunraku?) Today, Bunraku is the official name of Puppet Theater in Japan. Textual styles in Bunraku involve a high degree of drama, whereas most puppet-oriented theatrical traditions simply rely on simple myths and legends as a foundation for their texts. Most puppet-based theater practices around the world also usually hide the puppeteers involved in the drama. In Bunraku, however, the puppeteers are shown to the audience along with the puppets. (What is Bunraku?) Kathakali is one of the oldest theatrical traditions India, originating in the southern state of Kerela. In Malayalam, the name Kathakali directly translates into story-play. This tradition is primarily a dance-oriented tradition with textual styles involving themes based on mythological texts from Hinduism such as the Ramayana and Mahabharata. (Rajan) Most dance-based theater practices rely only on the dance movements to convey various messages. Kathakali, however, heavily relies on a highly detailed make-up and costume classification, which portrays the characteristics of the characters. (Rajan) The astonishing circumstance is that both of these traditions have no evidence of contact amongst themselves. However, as absurd as the relationship may be, a sense of the practices of naturalist Charles Darwin echo when discussing this situation. One might argue that at some point, both these traditions might have a common root that dates back thousands of years. Maybe, in the process of developing these traditions, there was a connection somewhere that inspired both these traditions. Then again, while searching for a historical link, the true essence of the links between Bunraku and Kathakali must not be lost. An examination, nevertheless, of their respective cultural evolution, seems necessary. Cultural Evolution: Bunraku Theater evolved from two different groups. There was a tradition of travelling storytellers and a tradition of travelling puppeteers in seventeenth century Japan. These two groups came into contact with each other and decided to combine the arts of puppetry and storytelling. This tradition was brought into professional performance when Takemoto Gidayu, considered as the father of Bunraku, established a theater in Osaka. Gidayu began his career in Kyoto as a narrator. He was known for his storytelling abilities. In 1684, he decided to form his own variation of theater with the combination of puppetry and storytelling. With the help of Chikamatsu Monzaemon, regarded as one of the greatest playwrights in Japanese history, and Takeda Izumo, a theater owner and manager, Gidayu was able to establish his theater in Osaka. The plays of this revolutionary style of theater known as joruri were categorized into two divisions: jidai-mono (historical) and sewa-mono (domestic) plays. Histo rical plays were focused on the lifestyle and stories involving the noble and military social classes, while domestic plays were concerned with the lives of the common town residents. Upon the division of joruri around 1703 into Takemoto-za, led by Gidayu, and Toyotake-za, led by an apprentice of Gidayu who left the Osaka Theater, the fight for the best theater of joruri produced some quality work. This period of Bunraku history was later referred to as the Golden Age. Plays from this time period are still the most often performed plays today. However, after a prosporous early eighteenth century, the late eighteenth century brought a period of literary drought as joruri declined in popularity. The only existence of Puppet Theater after that was that in shrines and temples. Amidst this phase, a small theater was opened in Osaka near the Inari Shrine in 1811 by Uemura Bunrakuken. In 1872, it was relocated to Matsushima and officially titled Bunraku-za. Soon after in 1884, a new rival to Bunraku-za arose by the name of Hikiroku-za. Similar to the previous golden age, this rivalry produced some fine work and Bunraku was at a point of revival. The rivalry lasted six years as Hikoroku-za closed down in 1893. Bunraku-za was the only remaining representative of Puppet Theater. Soon, the art of Puppet Theater became known as Bunraku instead of just the theater. After World War II, one of the first rebuilt theaters was the Yotsubashi Bunraku-za because the government wished to preserve this famous art form out of Osaka. In 1966, in Tokyo, the first National Theater was built. This theater targeted a younger audience to keep the tradition alive. Today, as a result of the investment, the theater is part of UNESCOs Intangible Cultural Heritage list. (paragraph of references) Meanwhile, in southern India, Kathalkali had a different direction from which it evolved. The art of Kathakali originated from a political rivalry between two chieftains: the Raja (King) of Kottarakkara and the Zamorin of Calicut. The Raja of Kottarakkara requested the presence of a dance-drama troupe known as Krishnanaattam from the Zamorin of Calicut to perform at a social gathering. Krishnanaattam was a dance-drama based on the life of Lord Krishna, a Hindu mythological god. The Zamorin considered this proposition and due to political tension between the two, he refused to send the troupe blaming it on the fact that the Raja of Kottarakkara would not appreciate the art form. In rebellion, the Raja of Kottarakkara created an equivalent form of dance-drama called Raamanaattam, based on the life of Lord Rama, another Hindu mythological god. Raamanaattam was created in Malayalam, the traditional language of the state of Kerela. By the end of the seventeenth century, the polished versi on of Raamanaattam was known as Kathakali. Kathakali was performed in Hindu temples as its stories had much to do with religious texts. The art of Kathakali was a mixture of several art forms of Kerela: Nritta, Nrittya, Natya, Kalaripayattu, Theyyam, and Koodiyattam. Nritta, Nrittya, and Natya are names for various dance types directly translating into pure dance, suggestive dance with the aid of postures and gestures, and drama. Kalaripayattu is the martial art of Kerela. This art is evident in the movement of Kathakali through the way performers are trained until absolute endurance is achieved. Theyyam is a ritualistic dance form. The heavy use of make-up and headdresses in Kathakali is derived from Theyyam. Lastly, Koodiyattam is a Sanskrit-based theater performed in the temples of Kerela. This theater, dating back to 200 BC, contains the stage action that has been inherited by Kathakali. Along with the make-up from Theyyam, stiff and powerful movements from Kaliripayattu, this s tage action completes the art of Kathakali today. (paragraph of references) Noticing the many differences in the way that these traditions came about, they have plenty of similarities that could be used as critical researched connections. Both theatrical practices have different roots of evolution. Bunraku Theater evolved as a result of the desire to capitalize on a newly discovered means of theater involving puppets and storytelling. Kathakali dance-drama evolved as a result of political feuds between rival kingdoms, and how one dominant form of dance-drama evolved through the centuries to represent its modern representation. The fact that both practices come from different narratives in their backgrounds challenges the implausible theory that any contact was possible between the two cultures. Regardless of historical contact, Bunraku and Kathakali seem to display great similarities in three areas: additional performer roles, make-up, and movement. Additional Performer Roles: Instantly, one notices that there are some introductory connections linking Bunraku and Kathakali evolution. Both traditions evolved in the 17th century. Both traditions are different from conventional traditions in their respected forms. However, lack of communication in the seventeenth century limited ways in which one practice could become aware of the other. There are also other detailed aspects that link the fundamentals of each theatrical practice. The first connection between Bunraku and Kathakali is the development of additional performer roles. There are two additional roles apart from the puppeteers in Bunraku. One of them is the role of the chanter and the other is that of the shamisen player. The chanter is known as the tayu. His role is described as bringing wooden dolls to life. Through the expressions made by the chanter, the dolls are able to communicate with each other filled with the same expression as any western theatrical actor. Apart from reciting the dialogue, the chanter also informs the audience on the background involved with the scene being presented. Only one chanter is needed to perform all the roles. Thus, the chanter needs to have a versatile voice. Over-exaggeration is essential to portray a characters personality and their emotions. The crowd is able to distinguish between characters through the exaggerated voices made by the chanter. The chanter is accompanied by the shamisen player, who plays the mu sical supplement to. Out of the three types of shamisens, the one played in Bunraku is the type with the longest neck to emit the deepest and most low-pitched sound. This also requires the chanter to sing from the lower abdomen. Similar to the role of the chanter, the shamisen player must also attempt to add his full heart into the music to make the musical addition as real and cultural as possible. (paragraph of references) Kathakali performances contain more additional performers than Bunraku. However, their roles are similar to those of Bunraku. There is a music accompaniment to the performance. The musicians are referred to as the orchestra. The orchestra composes of three drums and a set of cymbals. Usually, one performer plays each instrument, but there are performances where more than one are seen playing the same instrument. The three drums are the chenda, maddalam, and edakka.   The chenda is loud and powerful and is used for scenes with building suspense. The maddalam is used for softer sounds pertaining to female characters. The edakka is also used for its soft, musical addition to the overall spirit. Along with the drums, the cymbals aid the drums to help the dancer keep in beat with the music. The orchestra is used throughout the performance because without the beats of the drums, the performers are clueless as to their movements. The dance dances according to the rhythm of the drums. Ther e is a vocal aspect to Kathakali as well. This aspect is used to narrate the story because the performers do not speak in the performance. The dialogue is spoken in either Malayalam or Sanskrit and is said whenever narration is required. In parts where dance builds the suspense, the drums take control and the chanter(s) does(do) not speak. (paragraph of references) In Bunraku and Kathakali, the roles of additional performers are similar. The chanters are responsible for reciting the story and speaking any dialogue needed to be spoken. The instrument players are required to maintain the tone of the performance. The institutional soul of the performance in both cases is created by the music, which has to be followed by other elements. The remarkable similarities presented by this straightforward addition of music is one of many upon which basic structure of performance are developed. Make-Up: The second correlation between Bunraku and Kathakali is the heavy use of make-up to describe the characteristics of the various characters. In Bunraku, various puppet heads indicate various personalities of the characters.Different types of heads with fixed make-up are used. Each puppet head is meant for a different role. There are twelve types of male puppet heads, six types of female puppet heads, and there are also specially made heads used for special roles. The male heads are Bunshichi, Kenbishi, Komei, Odanshichi, Genda, Waka otoko, Oniwaka, Matahei, Darasuke, Yokanbei, Oshuto, and Kiichi. Bunshichi is a head used for tragic heroes. The heroism can be seen through the masculine face with thick eyebrows. However, the facial expression shows concealed worry or sorrow, which leads to the conclusion that this hero is tragic and has suffered for a long time. Kenbishi is a head used for characters playing supporting roles in a performance. This heads facial expression indicates stron g willpower, which is indicated by the single-lined painting of the mouth. Komei is a head used for middle-aged characters. This head is intended to be thoughtful, portrayed by its polished facade. Odanshichi is a head used for warriors. These warriors are brave and courageous, which can be seen through the bold facial expression and the heavy lines with which the head is painted. Genda and Waka otoko are heads used for teens and men in their twenties. Their elegance is shown through their handsome faces. Oniwaka is a head used for teen males as well. However, the red color of the face portrays that these characters are wild and stubborn as opposed to handsome and elegant. Matahei is a head used to portray honest men living simple lives, which is seen through the simplicity of their face. Darasuke is a head that represents the enemy. The facial expression of this character displays opposing views and a sense of unease. These characters are supposed to be disliked by the audience. Yo kanbei is a head used for enemies as well. However, the pink face and the long moustache are traits of humor. Therefore, these characters are humorous villains, who arent supposed to be completely disliked by the audience. Oshuto and Kiichi heads are both used for the roles of aged men. Oshuto is typically used to portray an aged warrior. Although the wrinkles on the face represent age, the fearless expression displays the characteristics of a retired warrior. Kiichi is a head also used for an aged warrior. However, the facial expression of wisdom represents an important figure. The six female heads are Musume, Fuke-oyama, Baba, Keisei, Baku-ya, and O-Fuku. Musume is the most beautiful and appealing female head for a common woman in Bunraku. It is used for roles for young women from fifteen years of age and onwards. It can also be used for young wives. Fuke-oyama is a head dedicated to young-middle aged women, aged twenty to forty. These heads are also very beautiful, but the different hairstyle portrays a greater degree of maturity. Baba is a head which is divided into two different-looking heads. One is used for historical plays and the other is used for domestic plays. The historical head is used for significant older roles in historical plays. The hair of this head is very smooth compared to rough hair in the domestic version, which is used mainly for old townswomen. Keisei is considered to be the most elegant head in its appealing facial features and elaborate hair style. It is used for courtesan women in the high social classes. Baku-ya is the head use d for evil roles such as that of an old hag. The wrinkles, rough hair, and facial expression depict wickedness. Lastly, O-Fuku is a plump version of Musume. This head is used for the roles of servants. (paragraph of references) With such details in terms of make-up of the puppets, a conclusion could be formulated that Bunraku heavily relies of make-up as an element of performance. The various make-up patterns expressed in the form of a range of heads lead to the build-up of the personalities of various characters on stage. These typical heads resembling various characters can also be found in the make-up of Kathakali. In Kathakali, the traits of the character depend on the color scheme of the make-up. There are five different styles of make-up in Kathakali: Minukku,Paccha, Katti, Taadi, and Kari. Minukku is the make-up used for characters designated in the upper class of society. Through the polished make-up scheme, a sense of glorified piety is shown in a disciple character. When used with women roles, delicate touches of Minukku are provided. Paccha is a style of make-up used to illustrate mythological heroes, Gods, and other characters with much importance. The characters valor and ethical distinction are portrayed by the purity of the green color used in this make-up. Katti, a make-up more complex than Paccha, is used for antagonistic roles which are opposite the heroes of the play. The resemblance of the make-up to sharply bent daggers portrays the characteristics of evil ambition and arrogance. T aadi is a make-up structure of a beard which is divided into three parts: Veluppu taadi, Chuvanna taadi, and Karuppu taadi. Veluppu taadi is a beard used for warrior roles. This beard brings a sense of realism to these mythological fighters. Chuvanna taadi is a beard used to add dreadfulness to characters. Used mainly for evil characters, this make-up can also be used for adding evilness to lesser malevolent characters. Burning red eyes and thick black lips are used to help portray this image. Karuppu taadi is the last type of taadi make-up. This beard is black and is used for thieves and robbers. The last type of make-up in Kathakali is Kari. This make-up is also used for evil characters. The black face represents the presence of blackness inside the character. (paragraph of references) Make-up in Bunraku is centered on the presentation of the different heads. In Kathakali, the way different make-up styles are combined defines characters. In both traditions, the purpose is similar: to reveal the characteristics and assign various stock roles to various styles of presentation. Instantly, a relation between the two traditions is established. Of course, there are differences in the details of each element. Nonetheless, in the two performance aspects investigated, the intentions in Bunraku and Kathakali are fundamentally alike. The significance of these relations is further elaborated when the third one is made, which is based on movement. Movement: Movement is the last element in Bunraku and Kathakali in discussion. Since none of the performers speak, movement is the medium through which they communicate the chanters message to the audience. The movement is the key aspect to the conveyance of the theme of the performance. In Bunraku, the puppeteers maneuver the puppet according to the chanter in order to keep up with the tempo of the performance. (The Puppets) In Kathakali, the movement is the prime source of communication to the audience through very intricate facial expressions and complicated hand movements. In Bunraku, the movements of the puppets are maneuvered by three puppeteers: the omo-zukai, hidari-zukai, and ashi-zukai. The omo-zukai is the head puppeteer. He controls the puppets head and right hand. The head is controlled by a stick wired with levers to control various facial parts such as the eyes, eyebrows, and mouth. The omo-zukai holds this lever with his left hand and operates the puppets right hand with his right hand. The hidari-zukai is the puppeteer that controls the puppets left hand. He does so with his right hand. Most hand gestures made by puppets are performed by the left hand because its movement is specifically exercised by the hidari-zukai. Lastly, the least experienced puppeteer out of the three is usually the ashi-zukai, who controls both feet of the puppeteer with both his hands. These three puppeteers train for years to acquire a state of harmony in their movements. If the movements are not presented with a state of synchronization, the puppeteers fail to br ing the puppet to life because the movements seem abnormal to the audience. The biggest challenge presented to puppeteers is the elemental requirement to empathize with the puppet. For example, at a particular point in a play, if the puppet is sad, the puppeteer must develop a state of sadness in order to perfect the movement assigned to him. If all three puppeteers empathize this way, harmony in movement is reached and the puppet is brought to life. (paragraph of references) Kathakali also incorporates a large degree of movement in its performances. Most of the performance is based on the movement of the character. The element of movement is so extensive that an entire language has been developed using the hands of the performer. This language is based upon mudras. There are twenty-four basic mudras, or letters that can be combined to form words and phrases. Along with mudras, there are nine basic facial expressions known as the nava rassas. These facial expressions depict the mood of the character. They represent a stylized form of everyday expressions. The movements conducted by the feet follow the beat of the orchestra. They help in the addition of technique to the rest of the movements. When combined, the make-up represents the personality of a character, the facial expressions represent the mood, and the dialogue is spoken through the mudras. All aspects of a character are covered through the make-up and movement, representing a very stylized way of conducting a dance-drama. (paragraph of references) In both theatrical traditions, the movement is essential in bringing the production to life. In the case of Bunraku, this is done is by creating the perception of bringing the puppets to life. In Kathakali, this is done through a language based heavily on movement. The movement controls the dialogue in both cases. Thus, both traditions have a very similar use of movement. Conclusion: Bunraku Puppet Theater is a tradition that began as a combination of two traditions: storytelling and puppetry. Early Bunraku saw the rise of the Osaka Theater, founded by Takemoto Gidayu. After some highs and lows, Bunraku is still a popular form of theater in Japan. In another part of the world, Kathakali originated from a political brawl where the Raja of Kottarakkara created a dance-drama called Raamanaattam. This form of dance-drama, with some perfection, became modern-day Kathakali. There are many similarities, however, despite the differences in the cultural evolution of these traditions. One tradition evolved in the coastal region of modern-day Japan while the other evolved on the region surrounded by the southern tip of India. Regardless, both of these traditions rely on facial features to describe the characters involved in the drama. In Bunraku, it is the different painted heads. In Kathakali, it is the stylistic make-up. Also, both Bunraku and Kathakali contain specific a dditional performers. The stunning fact is that in both styles, the additional performers have similar duties. There is a recite/chanter and there is musical accompaniment. Lastly, the movement element in Bunraku and Kathakali is heavily relied upon to create harmony in Bunraku and convey messages in Kathakali. All these similarities are fascinating considering the differences amongst these two traditions. One must ponder how these similarities came into existence. Was it mere coincidence? Could Darwins theory of evolution be implied here? These similarities could pave the way for further investigation into these two traditions and maybe, the world would be able to see a Bunraku play performed the Kathakali way or a Hindu text performed with Bunraku puppets. This research can lead to a whole new dimension of theatrical study. Bibliography The Chanter and the Shamisen Player. An Introduction to the World of Bunraku. Japan Arts Council, 2004. Web. 24 Mar. 2009. . Heads for Female Roles. An Introduction to the World of Bunraku. Japan Arts Council, 2004. Web. 17 July 2009. . Heads for Male Roles. An Introduction to the World of Bunraku. Japan Arts Council, 2004. Web. 17 July 2009. . The History of Bunraku-1. An Introduction to the World of Bunraku. Japan Arts Council, 2004. Web. 18 June 2009. . The International Centre for Kathakali. New Delhi: International Centre for Kathakali, n.d. Print. Johnson, Matthew. A Brief Introduction to the History of Bunraku. Sagecraft. 14 Aug. 1995. Web. 21 July 2010. . Kathakali. The Art Forms of Kerala. Web. 17 July 2009. . Narayanan, Akavoor. Kathakali The Total Theatre Nonpareil. Kathakali Journal of The International Centre for Kathakali May 2009: 12+. Print. The Puppets. An Introduction to the World of Bunraku. Japan Arts Council, 2004. Web. 24 Mar. 2009. . Rajan, Anjana. Kathakali. Art India. Web. 17 July 2009. . Unikrishan. Movement and Themes of Kathakali. Personal interview. 18 July 2009. What is Bunraku? An Introduction to the World of Bunraku. Japan Arts Council, 2004. Web. 24 Mar. 2009. . Photograph Bibliography Heads for Female Roles. Photograph. Japan Arts Council. An Introduction to the World of Bunraku. Japan Arts Council. Web. 17 Jan. 2010. . Heads for Male Roles. Photograph. Japan Arts Council. An Introduction to the World of Bunraku. Japan Arts Council. Web. 17 Jan. 2010. . Various Colourful Costumes Makeup in Kathakali. Photograph. Cochin Cultural Centre, Kochi. Cochin Cultural Centre. Cochin Cultural Centre. Web. 17 Jan. 2010. .

Justice and Social Order in The Oresteia Essay -- Aeschylus Oresteia

Justice and Social Order in The Oresteia  Ã‚   Democracy, emerging in the city-state of Athens, allowed unprecedented power to her citizens. Among these new powers was the ability to legislate. Yet, legislation was not without its problems. First the citizens must agree upon what is just and unjust, and then enforce the law by bringing the unjust to reconcile their guilt with the public through trial, and finally dispense the appropriate penalty. This evolution was not without concern. The Greeks were attempting to establish a governmental system which would span the middle ground between anarchy and despotism. By the crimes played out in Aeschylus' tragic trilogy The Oresteia, Aeschylus demonstrates the contrast between anarchy and despotism, and judges them both guilty. Indeed he shows, by the end of the play, that the only way man can be absolved of guilt is by joining leagues with the gods in a united effort to promote justice. His premise is supported by sequentially following the criminal legacy of the house of Atreus, and showing that the curse of continued injustice can only be ended by the cooperative effort of man and god. Aeschylus draws his contrast between anarchy and despotism through the main characters in the play. First Atreus, the father of Agamemnon, though never appearing himself in the trilogy is a central figure and the vehicle by which the curse is introduced. His crime is that of anarchy. Second, Agamemnon returns from Troy with the blood guilt of despotism. Next, Clytemnestra, Agamemnon's queen, represents a mixture of the two evils in that she portrays a self-serving ruler. Finally Orestes, son of Agamemnon, is introduced as a pious man who allows his fate to be determined by the gods in conjuncti... ... of the trilogy it was demonstrated the power that democracy wielded. It was able to eliminate anarchy and despotism by the middle ground. Although this had previously been the role of the Erinyes (Eu., ln.526-30), they had through the play proven themselves unsuccessful. Thus at the end of the Eumenides, Aeschylus has the Furies relinquish governance of the city to the citizens, and bestow honor on the people (Eu., ln.1016-20). Therefore Aeschylus demonstrated that democracy allowed for the union between man and gods that neither anarchy or despotism could achieve. Moreover, it was only through this union that justice could be served and the ancient laws and ways could be overturned. With this new social order, man celebrated unprecedented equality, honor and prosperity Works Cited: Aeschylus. Oresteia. Trans. Peter Meineck. Indianapolis: Hackett, 1998.

Analysis of Alex Pardee’s Artwork

What is a leper anyway? In the past, it was simply a disease. When you caught this disease you were isolated. Taken out of society, never to return again. Your life would never be the same again. As time passed this disease obviously died out. Nowadays not many people have leprosy in its serious form. But we do have leprosy of a different sort. This leprosy is even worse than the physical illness. It is something that gets worse over time and will continue to do so unless we as human beings decide to change our actions. Today, those who are different are thought to be lepers. These people should be rejected, shunned. They are unusual, strange; we cannot accept what they believe in. Why is this so? Why have we been brainwashed so thoroughly by the media that we don’t see that being different is something we humans create in our minds. People are â€Å"different† only because we label them to be that way. They are lepers, only because we make them so. What is so bad really about being a leper? Being different? This image addresses these questions. We can see that in the image there are two odd looking creatures who are bleeding onto a hand with a chicken’s head. This chicken’s head is dripping in blood while there is a small bar of soap at its feet. The only thing in colour is the blood which signifies that it symbolises something important. And so he bathed in the blood of the lepers. By this phrase we understand that the creature in the middle is the object which is â€Å"bathing in the blood†. Again, why would anyone want to bathe in the blood of leper? Well why not? In this case the two odd looking creatures would be the lepers. If the lepers in this image represent people who are different, then it could also mean that these people are so different that they could be considered to be a subculture of some sort. It is understandable to believe that some subcultures are actually desirable to some people. This obviously depends on the person’s personal taste. They may want to be involved in the subcultures of nerds, jocks, emo’s, scene kids, goths, etc etc. The leper character may not even be focusing on a particular sub culture. They can also represent the chameleons of society, changing themselves to appeal to people. Again, this depends on your perspective. The leper character only represents a chameleon of society if you choose to believe that it does so to persuade you to join the subculture that it is portraying itself to be. Why would people choose to believe this? Only to feel accepted. They may be so rejected that all they want and need is a feeling of belonging even if it is found a way which is not entirely truthful or right. Rather, it is an illusion. So do we humans warp what is there to suit our cases and make certain situations more pleasurable to us? Definitely. This leads us to the importance of the blood in the image. The blood can be viewed as the initiation process. The blood, which is the only coloured thing in the image symbolises this initiation process. This is the only part of the image in colour, because this process is the most important part of belonging to a group of people or a subculture. Bathing in the blood would be catching the leper’s disease, or otherwise, finally being a part of the lepers. The feeling of belonging settles in for the first time. Now that the person is a part of the lepers, can they really think of themselves as lepers? They are now able to understand and empathise with the subculture they have joined so would it actually seem so different to them now? No it wouldn’t, further underlining the fact that we only label people as being different, of being social lepers, only because we do not understand them. However if we were a part of what they believe in, i. e. a part of their subculture, then we would no longer think they are so different. Only an outsider to this subculture would consider them to be lepers. Again, we humans label that which is not. We have established what it means to be different and why it is important, but what about the bar of soap at the chicken hand creature's feet? What would this symbolise? This symbolises the other perspective of this two sided argument of acceptance. The soap represents the cure for leprosy. The means to be cleaned from this disease. In the modern world this soap bar would represent the views of people who believe that removing yourself from a subculture is the true path to acceptance. However, like the size of the soap bar, these people are very few because we all have an innate need to belong to a community, society, club, culture or subculture. In short, we all need to feel like we belong somewhere, no matter how much of an illusion this feeling of belonging is. We desire to be persuaded to believe in something only to feel accepted and wanted by a community. This image drawn by the talented Alex Pardee shows us all these innate human desires in a way which persuades us to believe that we do have them. Of course this is achieved by this talented artist by using a great many visual techniques. First of all the area of the image with the highest salience is the blood because like we established, the blood – which represents the initiation process – is one of the most important aspects of the process of belonging. The importance of this transition stage is further underlined by the fact that the rest of the image is black and white hand sketches making the blood also the area with the highest colour modality. When we look further into the image and analyse the finer details we notice that the background is non-contextualised, in fact, it is completely white. This helps us to not stray from the main message that the image is trying to give. It keeps us focused on the foreground while also giving extra information on what might be going on in the image. This information is given to us in the text written at the top. The foreground in question is the chicken hand with the blood being poured onto it. It is not in fact the text. This is because the image is in the centre and the gushing blood attracts us to the image at hand. This image would also be the focal point again highlighting the important message being given by the image. The perspective that we see the image also gives us a whole new view on the scene. We see the main subject (the chicken hand) in the frontal view. Seeing as the subject is the most important part of the image, it is safe to say that the whole image is viewed in the frontal perspective. However, it is important to note that we see the â€Å"lepers† side on. This suggests to us that we are not part of the lepers, that we are detached from them, that in fact they are different from us. The gaze of the subject is demanding. It is looking straight at the audience as if it wants to get its message across. Its message that it wants to be involved and included. The lepers on the other hand do not even have eyes. This suggests that they have nothing they want to communicate to people and are unaffected by what people think of them. The image in general is in a low modality because it is already trying to communicate a complicated message. By keeping it in simple sketches, the artist is making it easier for the audience to understand the message. The artist uses all of these visual techniques with one purpose in mind: to get the message across. The message that being different is not a negative thing. It is simply a means of feeling like you belong. Being a leper does not mean everything is lost. There will be a deformity, but one ought to bear in mind that they still have their God-given potentials in them. It is the duty of society, to give a helping hand, in order for these â€Å"lepers† to exhibit what they have in them to world. You see, it’s not them. It’s you.

Interesting Quotes About Idioms

citaty â€Å"People use idioms to make their language richer and more colorful and to convey subtle shades of meaning or intention. Idioms are used often to replace a literal word or expression, and many times the idiom better describes the full nuance of meaning. Idioms and idiomatic expressions can be more precise than the literal words, often using fewer words but saying more. For example, the expression it runs in the family is shorter and more succinct than saying that a physical or personality trait ‘is fairly common throughout one's extended family and over a number of generations. † (Gail Brenner, Webster's New World American Idioms Handbook. Webster's New World, 2003) ? â€Å"If natural language had been designed by a logician, idioms would not exist. † (Philip Johnson-Laird, 1993) â€Å"Idioms, in general, are deeply connected to culture. . . . Agar (1991) proposes that biculturalism and bilingualism are two sides of the same coin. Engaged in the intert wined process of culture change, learners have to understand the full meaning of idioms. † (Sam Glucksberg, Understanding Figurative Language. Oxford Univ. Press, 2001) ? Shakespeare's Idioms Shakespeare is credited with coining more than 2,000 words, infusing thousands more existing ones with electrifying new meanings and forging idioms that would last for centuries. ‘A fool's paradise,' ‘at one fell swoop,' ‘heart's content,' ‘in a pickle,' ‘send him packing,' ‘too much of a good thing,' ‘the game is up,' ‘good riddance,' ‘love is blind,' and ‘a sorry sight,' to name a few. † (David Wolman, Righting the Mother Tongue: From Olde English to Email, the Tangled Story of English Spelling. Harper, 2010) ? Levels of â€Å"Transparency† Idioms vary in ‘transparency': that is, whether their meaning can be derived from the literal meanings of the individual words. For example, make up [one's] mind is rather transparent in suggesting the meaning ‘reach a decision,' while kick the bucket is far from transparent in representing the meaning ‘die. ‘† (Douglas Biber et al. , Longman Student Grammar of Spoken and Written English. Pearson, 2002) â€Å"The thought hit me that this was a pretty pathetic way to kick the bucket–being accidentally poisoned during a photo shoot, of all things–and I started weeping at the idiocy of it all. † (Lara St.John) ? The Idiom Principle â€Å"The observation that meanings are made in chunks of language that are more or less predictable, though not fixed, sequences of morphemes leads [John] Sinclair [in Corpus Concordance Collocation, 1991] to an articulation of the ‘idiom principle. ‘ He states the principle thus: The principle of idiom is that a language user has available to him or her a large number of semi-preconstructed phrases that constitute single choices, even though they might appear to be a nalysable into segments (Sinclair 1991): 110) The study of fixed phrases has a fairly long tradition . . , but phrases are normally seen as outside the normal organising principle of language. Here, Sinclair extends the notion of phraseology to encompass a great deal more of language than it is commonly considered to encompass. At its strongest, we might say that all senses of all words exist in and are identified by the sequences of morphemes in which they typically occur. † (Susan Hunston and Gill Francis, Pattern Grammar: A Corpus-Driven Approach to the Lexical Grammar of English.John Benjamins, 2000) ? Modal Idioms â€Å"Modal idioms are idiosyncratic verbal formations which consist of more than one word and which have modal meanings that are not predictable from the constituent parts (compare the non-modal idiom kick the bucket). Under this heading we include have got [to], had better/best, would rather/sooner/as soon, and be [to]. † (Bas Aarts, Oxford Modern Engli sh Grammar. Oxford University Press, 2011)